Alito and Roberts take stock as they near their third decade on the benchNew Foto - Alito and Roberts take stock as they near their third decade on the bench

As Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito approach their two-decade milestones on the Supreme Court, they appear to be taking personal stock. Twice in the past two weeks, Roberts, 70, has mused before audiences about retirement. The 75-year-old Alito wrote wistfully about Justice David Souter's early retirement choice. "I was happy that he was able to spend the last 16 years of his life in the surroundings he cherished living the kind of private life he preferred," Alito said as the court announced theMay 8 death of Souter, who left the bench in 2009 at the relatively young (for a justice) age of 69. Roberts, at a Georgetown University Law Centerappearance, recalled the 2009 day that Souter told him he was going to retire. Souter told Roberts he wanted to return to his native New Hampshire, to trade, as Roberts put it, "white marble for White Mountains." An avid reader, Souter also sought a more contemplative life. "There aren't many people who would have that kind of perspective," Roberts said, "including myself." The end of the court's annual session has traditionally been the season for Supreme Court retirement announcements and speculation.Thursday's oral argumentsinvolving Trump's plan to end birthright citizenship marked the final public arguments of the current term; rulings will be issued through the end of June. When CNN asked Alito last week about his own retirement plans, he declined to comment. In November, amid predictions from conservative activists about an impending Alito departure, theWall Street Journal reportedthat people close to the justice said he had no plans to leave. Since then, friends of Alito have told CNN his intentions do not appear to have changed. Factors he would weigh, they say, include the usual dynamic of personal health as well as his confidence in who the president might choose as a successor. If Alito, Roberts or JusticeClarence Thomas, who will turn 77 next month, retire in the next four years, it would give President Donald Trump an opportunity to seal a deeper generational legacy on the Supreme Court. At anappearance in Buffalo, New York, this month, Roberts dismissed questions about any imminent retirement but also referred to natural concerns an older justice has of becoming "a burden to the court." US District Judge Lawrence Vilardo, a friend of Roberts' from their shared time at Harvard Law School, began the exchange by asking the chief justice, also a Buffalo native, if he ever thought about retiring. "No," Roberts said firmly. "I'm going out feet first." But then Roberts acknowledged that "if your health declines at all … if you recognize that you're a burden to the court," the answer could be different. (Roberts washospitalized in 2020after falling at a country club near his home. He had previously experienced seizures, and a court spokeswoman said at the time that his doctors ruled out seizure as the cause of the fall and a forehead injury.) Roberts, who has looked healthy at recent public appearances, related to Vilardo a precautionary step he'd taken to avoid staying on the bench if he lost his faculties. "I have very good friends," he said, "and I sat down with them, and said, I want at the appropriate time – because you don't always notice that you're slipping – I want the two of you to tell me that it's time to go." Roberts then quipped that there was a long pause, "and the two of them at once said, 'It's time.'" Responding to a question about whether he enjoys the job, Roberts said, "It's exciting to get up every morning and go into work." Roberts and Alito were selected in 2005 within a few months of each other by then-President George W. Bush. The appointments were made during aseries of dramatic national eventsthat included one of the most destructive hurricanes in history (Katrina) and the sudden death of a chief justice (William Rehnquist). Since then, Roberts and Alito have transformed the modern Supreme Court. Chief Justice Roberts led the bench on a rightward path, bolstering presidential powers and diminishing individual rights. Alito is likely best known for writing the court's 2022 opinion thatreversed Roe v. Wadeand ended nearly half a century of abortion rights. Signing onto that opinion were Thomas and the three Trump appointees from his first term: Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett. At the recent Georgetown Law event, Roberts recalled his 2003 confirmation to a US appellate court and the 2005 high-court elevation, but not before he reminded Dean William Treanor of a 1992 episode. Then-President George H.W. Bush had nominated him to the US appellate court, but Roberts was blocked in the Senate. "Some guy named Biden said, 'Nah, let's not give him a hearing,'" Roberts said, with a touch of the lingering sting. Joe Biden, who would later become president, was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee at the time. In his public appearances, Roberts typically skips over that disappointment at age 37. But he used it last week as a lesson for the Georgetown students nearing graduation. "Looking back on it – this is in terms of advice – you want your bad luck to be good," Roberts said. "I think if I had been confirmed at that early age, when a vacancy came up on the (Supreme) Court, I probably would have had far too much baggage to be considered for it." As it was, Roberts had a slim record of decisions from only two years on the appellate bench court before his Supreme Court nomination. President George W. Bush's selection of Roberts to be chief justice ultimately led to Bush's choice of Alito for an associate justice post. The sequence of events and shifting nominations of 2005 was triggered by Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's July retirement announcement as the annual session ended. Bush announced that he would nominate Roberts for O'Connor's associate justice seat. But before the Senate could hold its scheduled confirmation hearings for Roberts, Rehnquist died on September 3 and created a new opening. Bush, struggling with the federal response to the devastating Hurricane Katrina at the time, quickly decided to switch Roberts to the new vacancy. Once Roberts was confirmed as chief justice, the president decided to replace O'Connor with his White House counsel,Harriet Miers. But Miers, who had little constitutional law experience or record, withdrew her name a few weeks later, after being roundly criticized by conservative leaders, including former US appellate courtJudge Robert Bork, who declared her nomination "a disaster on every level." Bush then settled on Alito, a federal appellate court judge whose conservative credentials were well-established. In their early years in the Supreme Court, Alito and Roberts, with similar backgrounds and regard for the executive branch, regularly voted together. But in time, Alito moved further to the right, and Roberts, keeping an eye on the institutional standing of the court, tried to stake out the center. Alito has been the subject of much of the speculation since the 2024 election regarding a new Trump opportunity for replace a justice. (Justices typically seek to retire when the sitting president shares their political party and would appoint a likeminded successor.) Yet Alito, and even eldest justice Thomas, are younger than the usual Supreme Court retiree. Of the last dozen justices who left the bench since 1990, most were at least 80 years old. And more than half of the departures over the past 35 years were caused by death or illness. Two of the last four justices to leave the bench died while serving,Antonin Scaliain 2016 andRuth Bader Ginsburgin 2020. Alito remains an actively engaged, if aggravated jurist. During oral arguments, his questions can be as derisive as they are penetrating. In Thursday's dispute over judge-imposed "nationwide injunctions" blocking Trump's order to change birthright citizenship, Alito grumbled about those judges on the first rung of the three-tiered US judiciary. "The practical problem is that there are 680 district court judges, and they are dedicated, and they are scholarly, and I'm not impugning their motives in any way. But, you know, sometimes they're wrong, and all Article III judges are vulnerable to an occupational disease, which is the disease of thinking that I am right, and I can do whatever I want." Alito contended judges on multimember appellate courts, such as the Supreme Court, are "restrained by one's colleagues, but the trial judge sitting in the trial judge's courtroom is the monarch of that realm." With his own colleagues, Alito's regular fuming appears a fact of court life, mainly accepted, sometimes even the source of amusement. During one oral argument session last term, Alito raised a hypothetical scenario that apparently rang too true. "Let's say I'm complaining about my workplace. It's cold. It's set at 63 degrees. There isn't any coffee machine. The boss is unfriendly. All my co-workers are obnoxious." Fellow justices begin chuckling. Thomas' laughter was especially hearty. "I'm not …" Alito interjected, then stopped and declared, "Any resemblance to any living character is purely, purely accidental." Alito's more recent remarks about Souter's retreat to privacy recalls how Alito hasbristled at public criticismof his rulings and certain off-bench activities. Most recently, he drew scrutiny for taking a call from Trump in early January when a former law clerk was seeking a job in the new administration. They talked just as the high court was about to consider a Trump effort to delay his sentencing in the New York "hush money" case that dated to Trump's 2016 presidential campaign. Alito said in January thathe did not discussthe case with Trump. The bonus of another round of Supreme Court appointments would not be lost on Trump. "I totally transformed the federal judiciary," Trump said in 2023 as he was beginning his reelection bid. Referring to his Supreme Court appointments, he added, "I had three, and they're gold." For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

Alito and Roberts take stock as they near their third decade on the bench

Alito and Roberts take stock as they near their third decade on the bench As Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito approach th...
Trump admin live updates: Vance and Rubio meet with Pope Leo XIVNew Foto - Trump admin live updates: Vance and Rubio meet with Pope Leo XIV

President Donald Trump is expected on Monday to speak with Russian President Vladimir Putin, the latest in a series of high-level meetings and negotiations as the Trump administration and international allies seek an end to Russia's war in Ukraine. Trump, who returned from his Middle East trip on Friday, is expected to continue pushing Congress to pass his "One Big Beautiful Bill Act," whichnarrowly passeda House committee vote on Sunday. Pope Leo XIV spoke on Monday with Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio in a wide-ranging conversation that included "good bilateral relations" and "collaboration" between the church and states, the Vatican said.They also discussed "some matters of special relevance to ecclesial life and religious freedom," the Vatican's Holy See press office said in a statement. "Finally, there was an exchange of views on some current international issues, calling for respect for humanitarian law and international law in areas of conflict and for a negotiated solution between the parties involved," the Vatican said. Vance and Rubio had a private audience with Leo on Monday morning at the offices of the Secretariat of State, which serves as the church's central administrative and diplomatic arm.Vance also met with Archbishop Paul Richard Gallagher, the church's secretary for Relations with States and International Organizations, according to the Vatican.-ABC News' Phoebe Natanson Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio entered a closed-door meeting with newly installed Pope Leo XIV at the Vatican on Monday.The meeting with Leo, who has in the week since his election called for an end to Russia's war in Ukraine, comes as the Trump administration begins another week of diplomatic efforts to halt the conflict. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin are expected to speak later on Monday.Rubio and Vance, who had on Sunday attended Leo's inaugural mass, also met later in the day with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in Rome. Vance met with the pope's predecessor, Francis, on the day before the pontiff died.

Trump admin live updates: Vance and Rubio meet with Pope Leo XIV

Trump admin live updates: Vance and Rubio meet with Pope Leo XIV President Donald Trump is expected on Monday to speak with Russian Presiden...
China's economy slows in April as trade war blues hit retail sales, housing and investmentNew Foto - China's economy slows in April as trade war blues hit retail sales, housing and investment

China's economy showed signs of slowing in April asPresident Donald Trump'strade wartook a toll, with retail sales, property and investment coming in weaker than economists had forecast. Industrial production slowed as Trump's painfully hightariffsofup to 145%, and 125% retaliatory duties imposed by Beijing, took effect andshipments were curtailed. National Statistics Bureau spokesperson Fu Linghui said the general trend was positive though he pointed to "external shocks" that had gained intensity. "It should also be noted that there are still many outside unstable and uncertain factors, and the foundation for the continued recovery and improvement of the national economy needs to be further consolidated," Fu said. Here are a few key indicators reported Monday. Retail sales Chinese consumers have been holding back after the shocks of a prolonged downturn in the housing market that is the source of much household wealth. Retail sales rose 5.1% from a year earlier in April, below economists' expectations for a 6% increase. Fu said Beijing would continue to focus on supporting job creation and spurring more domestic demand. He also said China must stop prices from falling. The consumer price index fell 0.1% in April. Such deflation is both a symptom of weak demand and also a factor behind shoppers' reluctance to spend, in hopes of getting better deals later. "The current overall price level is low, which puts pressure on production and companies' operations and affects jobs and incomes, so it's important to promote a reasonable recovery of prices," Fu said. On the U.S. side,consumer sentimenthas fallen slightly in May for the fifth straight month, with Americans increasingly worried that thetrade warwill worsen inflation. Manufacturing Industrial production rose 6.1% from a year earlier, slowing from7.7% in Marchas tariffs and other trade barriers bit into exports. The truce in Trump's trade war with China has helped, Fu said, calling it "conducive to the growth of bilateral trade and the recovery of the world." With tariffs paused for 90 days to allow time for talks, shipments have revived as businesses rush to meet back-to-school and other seasonal deadlines. But even before Trump took office for the second time in January, China was under pressure from its trading partners for relying too heavily on exports to absorb its excess industrial production. And if output continues to outpace demand from businesses and consumers, prices will keep falling. "Export-driven gains in factory output could continue given China's manufacturing competitiveness and frontloaded orders before the end of the 90-day truce, but this is coming at a persistent deflationary cost," Louise Loo of Oxford Economics said in a report. Investment and property sales The government reported that fixed asset investment in such things as factories and equipment rose 4% in April in the first four months of the year. However, property investments fell 10.3% year-on-year in January to April. New home prices also edged lower. While manufacturing held up better than expected, the pressures from trade are complicating Beijing's effort to keep turn the housing market around and keep the economic recovery on track. "Establishing a trough on a national level is taking some time, as the recovery of the property market remains uneven and gradual. It's possible that tariff-related pessimism and uncertainty kept more buyers on the sidelines in April," Lynn Song, chief economist for Greater China at ING Economics said in a report.

China's economy slows in April as trade war blues hit retail sales, housing and investment

China's economy slows in April as trade war blues hit retail sales, housing and investment China's economy showed signs of slowing i...
Israel's Netanyahu acknowledges pressure from allies in decision to resume Gaza aidNew Foto - Israel's Netanyahu acknowledges pressure from allies in decision to resume Gaza aid

TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu acknowledged on Monday that hisdecision to resume aid to Gazacame from pressure from allies. In a video statement posted to social media, Netanyahu said that Israel's allies had voiced concern about "images of hunger" Israel's "greatest friends in the world," he said without mentioning specific nationalities, had said there is "one thing we cannot stand. We cannot accept images of hunger, mass hunger. We cannot stand that. We will not be able to support you." "Therefore to achieve victory, we need to somehow solve the problem," Netanyahu said. The aid that would be let in would be "minimal," he said without specifying precisely when it would resume. Israel on Sunday said it would resumeaid deliveries into the war-battered territoryafter a complete halt on imports since early March. Israel has maintained that the blockade on goods — including fuel, food and medicine — was meant to ramp up pressure on Hamas. The weekslong halt on aid deepened and already dire humanitarian crisis and prompted warnings of famine from food experts.

Israel's Netanyahu acknowledges pressure from allies in decision to resume Gaza aid

Israel's Netanyahu acknowledges pressure from allies in decision to resume Gaza aid TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) — Israeli Prime Minister Benja...
How Trump Can Avoid Another Bad Iran Nuclear DealNew Foto - How Trump Can Avoid Another Bad Iran Nuclear Deal

Amid all the high-profile trade and investment agreements proclaimed by President Trump on his swing through Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates last week, helet slipthat "Iran has sort of agreed to the terms" of anuclear agreementpresented by special envoy Steve Witkoff May 11, right before the dealmaker-in-chief headed off to the Middle East. Questions abound, as they do with so many of the president's sudden pronouncements, but the context and timing augur poorly for a viable nuclear agreement. This is not for lack of U.S.demandsthat Tehran pack up its nuclear shop altogether, perhaps in exchange for low-enriched uranium imported from abroad and safeguarded inside the country. Mere days before reportedly giving Iran a formal proposal, Witkoff issued the most specific, full-throated U.S.ultimatumto date: An enrichment program can never exist in Iran ever again. That's our red line. No enrichment. That means dismantlement, it means no weaponization, and it means that Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan—those are their three enrichment facilities—have to be dismantled. Yet nothing in the week sincesuggestsIran is ready to make such major concessions. President Masoud Pezeshkian said during Trump's trip that his country wouldadhereto Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's principles for any deal. Back in 2015, the supreme leader'sredlineswon out over the Obama administration's own supposedlynon-negotiabledemands for a deal—demands that sounded a lot like those now coming from the Trump team. That resulted in anagreement, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, that allowed all of Iran's nuclear facilities to remain open, legitimized its self-proclaimed "right" to industrial-scale enrichment, and did nothing to halt the regime's weaponization program. Trump—who correctlydescribedthe JCPOA as a "horrible one-sided deal that should have never, ever been made" when he withdrew the United States from it in 2018—seemingly backed a similar outcome toward the end of his trip. Last Thursday, on Truth Social, hesharedan offer from Khamenei's top nuclear adviser for strictly tactical Iranian concessions that fallfar shortof dismantlement, "a move interpreted by Iranian commentators and news media as a sign that he was willing to abandon the maximalist position of shutting down Iran's nuclear program," theNew York Timeswrote. Chief negotiator Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi put afiner pointon the matter that same day: "Enrichment is an issue Iran will not give up, and there is no room for compromise on it." Witkoff's reported proposalwould reflectIran's demands here, if indeed it pushes only for a multiyear enrichment pause. This isunderscoredby comments from American officials that further talks will "continue working through technical elements" of Iranian enrichment capacity, presumably in lieu of hard bargaining over basic principles like enrichment itself. On Sunday, Araghchi complained of confusingdissonancebetween official U.S. assertions about dismantlement and what he hears from them in private. Moreover, Iran's reported offer to Witkoff last week, in which it would produce uranium for civilian use at home and by Arab countries,holds fastto the regime's insistence on retaining enrichment infrastructure and developing nuclear technology on its own soil—ostensibly for peaceful purposes, but without sacrificing its capacity to make weapons-grade nuclear material. Thus far, Iran is simply copying the pages of its successfulplaybookfrom the Obama and Biden years. For all the precursory declarations from theObama,Biden, and nowTrumpteams that no deal is better than a bad deal, Tehran regularly extracts major concessions and erodes U.S. credibility by dragging out talks, using that time tobuild upnuclear and military counterpressure, and ultimately dissuading the United States from walking away and leaving even an unacceptable deal on the table. Throughout, the regime will be more than happy to let Witkoff and others claim they are keeping Iran from the bomb diplomatically. Obama officials eagerly did the regime's publicity for it in 2015,trumpetingtheir "historic deal" to "block all of Iran's pathways to a nuclear weapon" even as the president himself alsoadmittedthe deal did no such thing. Fearing that Iran might once again be getting the better of its American interlocutors, more than 200 Republicanlawmakers—including all but one senator—sent a letter during Trump's trip urging his administration to stick to its redlines. In an astute move to bolster U.S. leverage and test the sincerity of Tehran's demands toguaranteethat a new agreement could not be abandoned, several signees called for any deal to secure Senateratificationas a treaty. Such developments readily recall the worrying trends of failed outreach under Obama and Biden, but glints of optimism remain for a better outcome. Most importantly, in his keynote Riyadh speech last week, Trumpwarnedthat his outreach to Tehran is an offer that will not last forever. The time is right now for them to choose, right now. We don't have a lot of time to wait. Things are happening at a very fast pace … so they have to make their move right now, one way or the other. Make your move. This points to the real watershed moment that looms in U.S.-Iran diplomacy. The president's letter to Khamenei in March, in which he first offered talks, gave a 60-daytimeframeto secure a deal. Assuming thatclock startedwith the first round of talks on April 11, Iran now has less than a month to give up its nuclear weapons program or otherwise, in Trump'swords, "be handled militarily." If nothing else, theabiding lessonAmerican policymakers should draw from previous talks is to adhere strictly to their deadlines. In 2014-15, the path from the Obama administration's initially strong position to the untenably weak JCPOA wentstraightthrough threeexplicit, and ultimatelyhollow, U.S. promises to walk away in the face of Iranian intransigence. In 2021-22, Tehran garnered significantde factosanctions relief, and tripled its enrichment capacity, as it balked at similarly empty warnings from Biden officials about timerunning outto rejoin the JCPOA. By calling these bluffs, Iran came out of talks both times with gravelydiminishedrespect for U.S. deterrent threats. At this point, Iranian diplomats likely would love to run out the 60-day clock by letting the Americans debate themselves, haggling endlessly over minutiae, and possibly hammering out a framework for open-ended talks. Flouting Trump's redlines and deadline would collapse U.S. credibility and pave the way for cascading U.S. concessions—just like those that produced the JCPOA by replacing Obama's ultimatums with Khamenei's over the 20 months following the 2013 JPOA interim deal. This dubious legacy compounds the consequences of Trump's own decisions going forward. He faces a choice, no later than next month, of either following the predictably bad path of his predecessors or terminating desultory talks and making good on his threatto use military forceto prevent a nuclear Iran. But using force effectively to address this problem, and boosting the odds of getting a good deal by threatening to do so, entails real and urgent changes to other key policies as well. Most concerningly, and despite Trump's well-founded criticisms of his predecessor's approach, Tehran has little reason to believe the United States and Israel are working closely to build on Israel's remarkable operations against Iran's nuclear, military, and proxy infrastructures last year. The unmistakable pattern in recent months is one of patent incoordination, and at times open discord, when it comes tocounteringTehran's nuclear progress, stopping Houthimissile and droneattacks, bringing the newSyrian regimeinto the fold, and defeating Hamas andreleasinghostages in Gaza. As then-Secretary of State Antony Blinken observed earlier this year, such "public daylight between the United States and Israel" merelyencouragedHamas to hold out in ceasefire negotiations. Hamas' benefactors in Tehran are even more adept at exploiting every particle of light peeking through here. There is a simultaneous lack of concerted cooperation with Britain, France, and Germany—the three European parties to the JCPOA—to address Iran's systematic violations of its atomic safeguards agreements. Working more closely with these "E3" partners, who met Friday withIranian diplomats, is critical for the robust monitoring and verification demanded by the Trump team as part of any deal. If these demands cannot be secured in the very near term, U.S.-E3 teamwork will be equally crucial for prompt "snapback" of stringentU.N. sanctionson Iran's enrichment and weaponization work. Iran can look to Ukraine-Russia diplomacy for added evidence that obstinacy pays. President Vladimir Putin'sdefianceof U.S. ceasefiredemands, and Trump's willingness tooverlookthis defiance and continue offering direct negotiations with Putin, doesn't say much for American ultimatums more generally. Nor does it bode well for Iranian perceptions of U.S. solidarity with its partners: if Russia can persuade Trump to go over Ukraine's head by playing hard to get, Tehran can hope to sideline Israel the more it enmeshes the United States in talks. This worked unsettlingly well during JCPOA negotiations, when President Obama openly treated Israel'smilitary readinessand freedom of action as the chief impediment to achieving a nuclear deal. Addressing these issues can bolster the credibility and leverage that were so conspicuously absent in past U.S. negotiations with Iran. In turn, excising Tehran's nuclear threat—ideally through a timely, comprehensive, verifiable, and permanent settlement—is a predicate for all the larger gleaming ambitions of economic prosperity and stability that Trump espoused for the Middle East on his recent trip. Read more at The Dispatch The Dispatch is a new digital media company providing engaged citizens with fact-based reporting and commentary, informed by conservative principles. Sign up for free.

How Trump Can Avoid Another Bad Iran Nuclear Deal

How Trump Can Avoid Another Bad Iran Nuclear Deal Amid all the high-profile trade and investment agreements proclaimed by President Trump on...

 

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